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Pure Storage, Inc. PSTG shares are soaring after the company reported its third-quarter results after Tuesday's closing bell. Here's a look at the details from the report. The Details: Pure Storage reported quarterly earnings of 50 cents per share, which beat the analyst consensus estimate of 42 cents. Quarterly revenue came in at $831.07 million which beat the consensus estimate of $818.14 million and is an increase over sales of $762.84 million from the same period last year. Pure Storage reported: Subscription services revenue of $376.4 million, up 22% year-over-year. Subscription annual recurring revenue (ARR) of $1.6 billion, up 22% year-over-year. Remaining performance obligations (RPO) of $2.4 billion, up 16% year-over-year. Non-GAAP gross margin was 71.9%. Non-GAAP operating income was $167.3 million. Non-GAAP operating margin was 20.1%. Operating cash flow of $97 million. Free cash flow of $35.2 million “Pure Storage has achieved another industry first in our journey of data storage innovation with a transformational design win for our DirectFlash technology in a top-four hyperscaler,” said Pure Storage CEO Charles Giancarlo . “This win is the vanguard for Pure Flash technology to become the standard for all hyperscaler online storage, providing unparalleled performance and scalability while also reducing operating costs and power consumption,” Giancarlo added. Read Next: TikTok Shop Bags More Than $100 Million In Black Friday Sales With Potential Ban Ahead Outlook: Pure Storage sees fourth-quarter revenue of $867 million, versus the $856.93 million estimate, and fiscal 2025 revenue of $3.15 billion, versus the $3.13 billion estimate. PSTG Price Action: According to Benzinga Pro , Pure Storage shares are up 23.55% after-hours at $66.15 at the time of publication Tuesday. Read More: Art Cashin’s Lessons: Cuban Crisis Trades To Timeless Wall Street Wit Photo: Courtesy of Pure Storage, Inc. © 2024 Benzinga.com. Benzinga does not provide investment advice. All rights reserved.CAMBRIDGE, Mass.—Donald Trump had a very clear message for his team: don’t spike the football after Joe Biden had a disastrous debate showing in June. Things were going well for Trump’s attempted return to political office, Biden was and as off his game, and the electorate was just starting to tune in. “Don’t go too hard on him. We want him around,” Trump told his staff, who shelved an ad for fear it would force Biden off the ballot, according to Trump’s co-campaign manager Chris LaCivita. Meanwhile, once Biden bowed to the pressure from fellow Democrats to step aside and clear the way for Kamala Harris to take the nomination in August, he had a blunt conversation with his Vice President. The chair of both Biden’s and Harris’ campaigns, Jen O’Malley Dillon, said Biden gave Harris permission to do what she needed to do to build distance with the White House. The risk of Trump’s return to power was greater than Biden’s badly bruised ego. Those were just two of the many behind-the-scenes stories shared Friday at a conference at Harvard’s Institute of Politics featuring the top hands of the major 2024 presidential campaigns. Typically, the two-day conference is coda to the election cycle. But this was a precedent-breaking campaign for a ton of reasons: two failed assassination , a nominee , China and Iran campaign emails, and a type of political last seen in 1885. The day was the first pass at a comprehensive oral history of the campaign. The election’s architects are still struggling to understand the outcome and extraordinary circumstances. And the Harvard conversation revealed just how personally many of these top minds in politics made the contest. “We run shit like we ought to run it,” O’Malley Dillon said under persistent second-guessing of how Biden’s and then Harris’ campaigns were led. Here are 11 revelations that help tell the real story of the 2024 campaign. Over and over again, Trump’s aides and adversaries alike kept returning to the fact that a huge chunk of the GOP universe started with an immovable and immutable affinity for Trump. Efforts to tear him down never really found footing, and it was nearly impossible for other candidates to gain traction during the primaries. Those who tried, like former New Jersey Gov. Chris Christie and former South Carolina Gov. Nikki Haley, ended up failing. Christie’s argument was pretty straightforward: Trump was a criminal unworthy of returning to power. Haley’s message was more nuanced, arguing Trump logged a net positive record but it was time to move past his era. Neither really prevailed. LaCivita further discounted any importance of Christie in the mix. “Chris Christie didn’t even enter into the discussion,” LaCivita said. “Chris Christie was never anything. Spare me the bullsh-t. ... He took up space, which he is very good at doing.” At another point, Trump political director James Blair said the efforts to take down Trump in the primary failed because they were not listening to real voters. “I’m sorry. No offense to Mike. But understand where the Republican electorate is,” Blair told Christie’s longtime strategist Mike DuHaime. For his part, South Carolina Sen. Tim Scott thought his strict anti-abortion position could help him differentiate himself from Trump, especially with Evangelicals in Iowa. “He speaks their language. He’s one of them,” adviser Matt Gorman said. The campaign leadership all knew that Scott’s positions were pretty far afield from where most Americans were thinking about abortion rights, but they set their sights on performing well in Iowa first. “If we get to the general, we’ll figure it out then,” Gorman said. It was similarly ill-fated for former Arkansas Gov. Asa Hutchinson’s bid. “We had a candidate who was very much in the mold of 2012, 2008, 2004,” Hutchinson campaign manager Rob Burgess said. In other words, someone who was totally mismatched to the moment. And Florida Gov. Ron DeSantis’ efforts to run as “Trump Lite” or a more-electable version of Trumpism never seemed to find a glidepath. His efforts to reposition were even less credible. “Running to the right of Trump is not possible,” Blair said. An initial begrudging respect for DeSantis quickly faded once the campaign got underway. “We never saw anyone else as a serious threat,” Blair said. “We didn’t want a one-on-one with DeSantis.” Chief Trump pollster Tony Fabrizio echoed that in his own summary of the race: “DeSantis was a real threat. No offense to anybody else, but DeSantis was a real threat.” To fix that, the Trump team worked to “delegitimize” DeSantis, as Fabrizio described it, as a weirdo “who ate with his fingers.” “The attacks that we levied against Ron worked because they were believable,” deputy campaign manager Taylor Budowich said. LaCivita even laughed at how his team trolled DeSantis, including handing out chocolates shaped like boots to suggest their rival was lifts in his shoes. By the time they were toward Iowa, it was clear that DeSantis was playing way too hard for an impossible victory there. “He was never going to win Iowa. He raised expectations for him and lowered them for Trump,” Haley campaign manager Betsy Ankney said. “DeSantis ran a terrible campaign. He started with every advantage and he sort of imploded.” Others, too, initially saw DeSantis as the one to knock down a peg. “We viewed those two as the monsters in the race. They were inevitably going to clash,” said Mike Zolnierowicz, an adviser to North Dakota Gov. Doug Burgum, said of DeSantis and Trump. Budowich, who earlier in his career worked to help DeSantis’ policy team come together, was unapologetic in his pluck against his former boss. “A lot of us woke up every morning thinking about how we would destroy Ron DeSantis. They were thinking about where they were going to happy hour in Tallahassee," Budowich said. The pile-on met little pushback. DeSantis’ campaign did not send a representative to the Harvard event. “It’s too bad we don’t have our other Florida friends here,” Budowich said dryly. It’s almost gospel at this point, but it remains a sacred reality that Trump doesn’t listen to anyone but himself. LaCivita said there were about 10 days when it was possible that Trump would have joined the primary debates. Network execs and star anchors were burning up Trump’s cell phone, making a self-interested play to get him onstage to boost their ratings. “Everyone in the world is calling him,” LaCivita said. But refusing to participate became a way for Trump to pick a fight with the Republican National Committee. “There was no way he was going to do it.” That was generally how most things in that campaign worked. “We didn’t over-analyze anything. In politics, people tend to over-analyze, over-think everything. Sometimes you have to accept the situation you’re in and you have to find the easiest, or most painless, way out of a problem,” LaCivita said. “You’re looking at Donald Trump. He’s Teflon.” While the quants had plenty of data about what was working and what wasn’t, there really was no meaningful substitute for the boss’ judgments. “You don’t sit down and say, ‘We have to do things this way.’ That’s a non-starter,” LaCivita said. But what they did in a very nimble way was to turn weekly jam sessions on policy—sometimes six hours at a time on camera for direct-to-viewer messages about a second-term agenda—into workshops on the hows and whys of governing and campaigning. At other junctures, they sent Trump into press conferences and interviews to get the juices flowing and get him practicing for the debates, even if they didn’t tell him what the goals were. “Donald Trump doesn’t prepare for debates like the way I’ve done it for 35 years... It’s an entirely different process. He doesn’t really do prep,” LaCivita said. The Trump campaign understood they could win if the race was based on policy and performance, but could not prevail if voters were deciding on personalities, Fabrizio said. But “you cannot control it,” Fabrizio said of Trump. LaCivita was equally resigned: “Worry about what you can control. On the campaign, I worried about what I could control. He was not one of them.” Trump’s team intentionally kept second-tier rivals in the mix as long as possible because, to their mind, a jumbled and crowded field split Trump skeptics and denied a serious one-on-one race. An errant social media post from Trump was sufficient to move the conversation of the entire primary field, and most of the Trump-free debates still started with questions about his campaign. “Every time you did something like that, it gave us another four days,” Hutchinson campaign manager Burgess said of Trump’s team mentioning the Governor in a social media post or statement. “Every time you put us in a press release, it was good.” That kept the GOP field unsettled until it was almost too late for anyone to rise. “The game was always going to be who was going to be the alternative... You have to get to the one-on-one spot,” Ankney of Haley’s team said. But with Trump’s onslaught of headline-grabbing antics, there never were real ways for that to winnow. “It blocked out everything else,” Ankney said. In hindsight, the campaigns all divided the vote in ways that only benefited Trump. “While running against Trump, they were helping Trump,” DuHaime said. Fabrizio and his allies were openly contemptuous of efforts—in the primary and then the general—to reach more voters. Instead of chasing 10 people and hoping to win one new person, they opted to go narrow and hard at their base, hoping to get two out of three contacts. By the end, they stopped looking at the broad universe of voters and instead went hard for low-propensity voters. “It was hyper-targeted on people who are not reachable by any other way,” Blair said. By contrast, Fabrizio said, the rivals adopted what amounted to a “spray and pray” approach. The Democrats, meanwhile, described a contest that consistently had their nominees trailing but within the margin of error—giving them flashes of hope until the end. “A floor and a ceiling can be the same thing,” Harris principal deputy campaign manager Quentin Fulks said. No one disputes thatBiden had an unmitigated of a debate on June 27. He stammered through a sloppy night facing off in what would be this cycle’s lone debate against Trump. Calls for his exit came quickly and loudly. It was an evening that reinforced the quiet rumblings whether octogenarian Biden was up for another four-year term. “The President prepped. I was at debate prep. He was strong. He was ready,” O’Malley Dillon said. But, she added, “We all saw what happened at the debate. He also is old and he knew that and we knew that. He’s also Joe Biden. ... We were not Pollyannish about any of that.” Fulks was equally as blunt: “We’re not blind, of course.” Another Biden deputy campaign manager, Rob Flaherty, did nothing to hide the disappointment: “Obviously, it was not a good night.” At Trump headquarters, the strategists went to work right away to build out research packets on potential replacements for Biden. They had one on Harris, but they wanted to look more widely, including what a potential campaign against someone like former First Lady Michelle Obama or former Secretary of State Hillary Clinton would look like. But they pushed pause on an ad hitting Biden for a poor showing, worried that it would have hastened Biden’s exit. They tweaked the programming for the debate in July to make sure the scripts were about the Biden-Harris administration, not just Biden. “We included her, but we didn’t lead with her,” Fabrizio said. At Biden HQ, the campaign thought they could weather the bad headlines. “In order to get out of the hole, we had to fight through it,” O’Malley Dillon said. At least until they couldn’t. Biden let his top hands know on July 21 that he’d be dropping out of the race. O’Malley Dillon said she and campaign manager Julie Chavez Rodriguez both cried that day, and insisted there had been zero planning for that moment. “Not one ounce,” O’Malley Dillon said. She called Flaherty, who oversaw the digital aspects of the campaign including its email and social media platforms, at 1:06 p.m and told him he needed to ready the news to go live at 1:45 p.m. They then realized they had to plug Harris’ nomination into a long-standing convention plan. “We had a convention that was built for Joe Biden,” said O’Malley Dillon. (By the way, those persistent of a celebrity appearance at the convention? “F-king bullsh-t,” she said.) The shuffle was a shock to Trump’s team. “July 21st comes and it’s— —you hit a brick wall,” Fabrizio said. Trump and his allies sped up the advertising spending plan to start to define Harris before she and her allies had a chance to do it for her. “It was like immediately going into overdrive,” Fabrizio said. Because it was a Sunday, some had to postpone personal plans, like going to the beach. O’Malley Dillon had little sympathy for her rivals: “A lot of things got f–ked.” Then there were the attempts on Trump’s life, including a July 13 shooting at a rally in Butler, Pa., and a thwarted sequel near a Florida golf course on Sept. 15. They brought a huge shift in how the campaign was able to move. “From that point on, two-thirds of the time was spent on things that had nothing to do with a campaign,” LaCivita said. They had to deploy decoy motorcades for fear of more assassination attempts. The same was true for decoy airplanes. Events couldn’t be outside without more precautions, the thick bullet-proof glass framing for Trump’s podiums didn’t move easily. “It severely limited us where we could campaign,” Fabrizio said. LaCivita spoke sharply about the Secret Service’s leadership for hampering their nimbleness: top officials “dragged ass” in keeping Trump under glass, he said. With limited time, Harris wanted to bait Trump into more debates after their first and only match-up on Sept. 10. Trump’s team told him not to fall for it, despite a push from Fox News and party insiders. O’Malley Dillon said they wanted to debate so badly they’d have allowed one hosted by a Fox News anchor. Meanwhile, Trump’s team was nervous about a second debate against Harris given she landed plenty of blows in the first one. But O’Malley Dillon said she does not list a lack of a second debate as a deciding factor in the election. It could have even hurt Harris: pollster Molly Murphy said Harris could have lost ground if she had a bad night. “We were up against a caricature of being dangerously liberal,” O’Malley Dillon said. A devastating anti-transgender ad from the Trump campaign feed that image, coupled with Harris’ ties to the unpopular Biden record. Efforts to draft Republican former Rep. Liz Cheney made some difference in suburban areas in Blue Wall states. But Harris’ flub on was seen as a problem that was not going to be a one-day story. Given a softball to explain what she might have done differently than Biden, she said “not a thing that comes to mind.” “It was a big looming negative hanging over us the whole time,” Fulks said. “We didn’t lose this f—king race because of ,” O’Malley Dillon said. Trump’s camp had its own flubs in the final stretch. But his team didn’t think a racially insensitive comedian at a Madison Square Garden rally would in the end. “We knew it would blow over,” Fabrizio said. By the time Election Day arrived, O’Malley Dillon felt the Harris campaign was facing a different standard than the one enjoyed by Trump. O’Malley Dillon also said that Harris’ race and gender did not decide the race on their own, but cannot be ignored. “There is no way to look at this race without factoring that in,” she said. That doesn’t mean the Harris defeat is any less painful for her advisers. “We lost,” O’Malley Dillon said. “So everything requires us to relook at everything.” But asked directly if Biden would have won if he stayed in the race, O’Malley Dillon was summarily dismissive: “We don’t engage in hypotheticals.”Old Dominion Freight Line, Inc. ODFL today reported certain less-than-truckload ("LTL") operating metrics for November 2024. Revenue per day decreased 8.2% as compared to November 2023 due to an 8.0% decrease in LTL tons per day and a slight decrease in LTL revenue per hundredweight. The decrease in LTL tons per day was attributable to a 6.8% decrease in LTL shipments per day and a 1.2% decrease in LTL weight per shipment. For the quarter-to-date period, LTL revenue per hundredweight decreased 1.2% as compared to the same period last year and LTL revenue per hundredweight, excluding fuel surcharges, increased 3.7% as compared to the same period last year. Marty Freeman, President and Chief Executive Officer of Old Dominion, commented, "Our revenue results for November reflect the continued softness in the domestic economy as well as the impact of lower fuel surcharge revenue on our yields. While our LTL volumes declined on a year-over-year basis in November, the improvement in our revenue per hundredweight, excluding fuel surcharges, demonstrates our continued commitment to yield management. We have achieved consistent, cost-based increases in our yield metrics, excluding fuel surcharges, by remaining committed to providing our customers with superior service at a fair price. As we continue to deliver on these core elements of our long-term strategic plan, we remain confident in our ability to win market share and increase shareholder value over the long term." Forward-looking statements in this news release are made pursuant to the safe harbor provisions of the Private Securities Litigation Reform Act of 1995. We caution the reader that such forward-looking statements involve risks and uncertainties that could cause actual events and results to be materially different from those expressed or implied herein, including, but not limited to, the following: (1) the challenges associated with executing our growth strategy, and developing, marketing and consistently delivering high-quality services that meet customer expectations; (2) changes in our relationships with significant customers; (3) our exposure to claims related to cargo loss and damage, property damage, personal injury, workers' compensation and healthcare, increased self-insured retention or deductible levels or premiums for excess coverage, and claims in excess of insured coverage levels; (4) reductions in the available supply or increases in the cost of equipment and parts; (5) various economic factors such as inflationary pressures or downturns in the domestic economy, and our inability to sufficiently increase our customer rates to offset the increase in our costs; (6) higher costs for or limited availability of suitable real estate; (7) the availability and cost of third-party transportation used to supplement our workforce and equipment needs; (8) fluctuations in the availability and price of diesel fuel and our ability to collect fuel surcharges, as well as the effectiveness of those fuel surcharges in mitigating the impact of fluctuating prices for diesel fuel and other petroleum-based products; (9) seasonal trends in the less-than-truckload ("LTL") industry, harsh weather conditions and disasters; (10) the availability and cost of capital for our significant ongoing cash requirements; (11) decreases in demand for, and the value of, used equipment; (12) our ability to successfully consummate and integrate acquisitions; (13) various risks arising from our international business relationships; (14) the costs and potential adverse impact of compliance with anti-terrorism measures on our business; (15) the competitive environment with respect to our industry, including pricing pressures; (16) our customers' and suppliers' businesses may be impacted by various economic factors such as recessions, inflation, downturns in the economy, global uncertainty and instability, changes in international trade policies, changes in U.S. social, political, and regulatory conditions or a disruption of financial markets; (17) the negative impact of any unionization, or the passage of legislation or regulations that could facilitate unionization, of our employees; (18) increases in the cost of employee compensation and benefit packages used to address general labor market challenges and to attract or retain qualified employees, including drivers and maintenance technicians; (19) our ability to retain our key employees and continue to effectively execute our succession plan; (20) potential costs and liabilities associated with cyber incidents and other risks with respect to our information technology systems or those of our third-party service providers, including system failure, security breach, disruption by malware or ransomware or other damage; (21) the failure to adapt to new technologies implemented by our competitors in the LTL and transportation industry, which could negatively affect our ability to compete; (22) the failure to keep pace with developments in technology, any disruption to our technology infrastructure, or failures of essential services upon which our technology platforms rely, which could cause us to incur costs or result in a loss of business; (23) disruption in the operational and technical services (including software as a service) provided to us by third parties, which could result in operational delays and/or increased costs; (24) the Compliance, Safety, Accountability initiative of the Federal Motor Carrier Safety Administration ("FMCSA"), which could adversely impact our ability to hire qualified drivers, meet our growth projections and maintain our customer relationships; (25) the costs and potential adverse impact of compliance with, or violations of, current and future rules issued by the Department of Transportation, the FMCSA and other regulatory agencies; (26) the costs and potential liabilities related to compliance with, or violations of, existing or future governmental laws and regulations, including environmental laws; (27) the effects of legal, regulatory or market responses to climate change concerns; (28) emissions-control and fuel efficiency regulations that could substantially increase operating expenses; (29) expectations relating to environmental, social and governance considerations and related reporting obligations; (30) the increase in costs associated with healthcare and other mandated benefits; (31) the costs and potential liabilities related to legal proceedings and claims, governmental inquiries, notices and investigations; (32) the impact of changes in tax laws, rates, guidance and interpretations; (33) the concentration of our stock ownership with the Congdon family; (34) the ability or the failure to declare future cash dividends; (35) fluctuations in the amount and frequency of our stock repurchases; (36) volatility in the market value of our common stock; (37) the impact of certain provisions in our articles of incorporation, bylaws, and Virginia law that could discourage, delay or prevent a change in control of us or a change in our management; and (38) other risks and uncertainties described in our most recent Annual Report on Form 10-K and other filings with the SEC. Our forward-looking statements are based upon our beliefs and assumptions using information available at the time the statements are made. We caution the reader not to place undue reliance on our forward-looking statements as (i) these statements are neither a prediction nor a guarantee of future events or circumstances and (ii) the assumptions, beliefs, expectations and projections about future events may differ materially from actual results. We undertake no obligation to publicly update any forward-looking statement to reflect developments occurring after the statement is made, except as otherwise required by law. Old Dominion Freight Line, Inc. is one of the largest North American LTL motor carriers and provides regional, inter-regional and national LTL services through a single integrated, union-free organization. Our service offerings, which include expedited transportation, are provided through an expansive network of service centers located throughout the continental United States. The Company also maintains strategic alliances with other carriers to provide LTL services throughout North America. In addition to its core LTL services, the Company offers a range of value-added services including container drayage, truckload brokerage and supply chain consulting. View source version on businesswire.com: https://www.businesswire.com/news/home/20241203903746/en/ © 2024 Benzinga.com. Benzinga does not provide investment advice. All rights reserved.betfred online

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There are calls to punish Indian bowler Mohammed Siraj after he became frustrated during an unexpected incident at Adelaide Oval on Friday night. A “beer snake bandit” (carrying an impressive effort, it must be said) decided to run behind the sight screen just as Marnus Labuschagne was facing up to Siraj. WATCH THE VIDEO ABOVE: ‘Beer snake’ upsets Marnus Labuschagne at Adelaide Oval. Know the news with the 7NEWS app: Download today Distracted, Labuschagne pulled out of his stance and pointed to the man running behind the sight screen, but an angry Siraj decided to throw the ball at the stumps (or possibly Labuschagne), and gestured at the Australian. While star Seven commentator James Brayshaw wondered how security didn’t stop it, Greg Blewett noted that Siraj was “not happy”. “You don’t often see a fast bowler when he gets stopped just about before he releases the ball,” Blewett said. The crowd also became involved. “You got the boos when the replay came on the big screen when he threw the ball,” Blewett said. And Ricky Ponting added: “I think his emotions got the better of him there, I think that was an attempted bouncer (on the follow-up ball).” Cricket fans immediately lashed Siraj’s action on social media. “Very unprofessional of Siraj. Not expected at the highest level,” one fan said.. “Pretty pathetic from Siraj. If Marnus did this unreasonably then the reactions fair. But get a grip, champ,” another said. “He will be fined 50% match fee for dissent, they won’t take this lightly,” another said. And another: “Completely unacceptable behaviour.” And another: “Siraj should grow up. it’s pathetic what he did.” And another: “Siraj should be banned for some Tests. That guy is way too arrogant.” There were also calls to ban the man who caused the interruption with his ‘beer snake’. “The man walking across the sight screen should be banned from entering any cricket ground for a couple of years. No spectator is within his rights to disrupt play, least not when a Test match is in progress.” With his Test career on the line amid a stretch of low returns — eight scores under 10 runs in his previous nine innings — Labuschagne’s spot was openly in question as he walked out to bat in the second Test against India. But Labuschagne (20no) and Test novice Nathan McSweeney (38no) won the Friday night battle under and guided Australia to 1-86 in reply to India’s 180 all out. Pre-match, Labuschagne’s captain Pat Cummins forecast the No.3 batter would be more proactive in a bid to emerge from his form slump. But not even Cummins would have predicted this. Labuschagne went directly and theatrically into a duel with the world’s No.1 fast bowler, Jasprit Bumrah. The Indian strike bowler — with a pink ball moving appreciably under lights — had just taken a wicket but was nearing the end of his spell. Bumrah delivered one drama-charged over to the out-of-sorts Labuschagne. The Australian played a defensive shot and shouted “wait on” as the ball rolled to Bumrah, daringly eyeballing the Indian star. Bumrah sent down a searing next delivery which beat Labschagne’s outside edge - the Australian again eyeballed the paceman as Indians chirped in the background. Labuschagne survived the over. The Queenslander - whose previous nine knocks were three, two, six, 90, two, one, five, three and one not out - faced 18 balls before scoring a run. He inside-edged his 19th delivery for two, leg-glanced for four two balls later, then scored three through midwicket. Labuschagne and McSweeney, who played some sweet pull shots in his third Test innings, put Australia in a position of power entering day two. “It was a good way to finish the day,” said Australian paceman Mitchell Starc, who took a career-best 6-48 in India’s innings. “The last session is arguably the hardest time to bat ... for Marnie and McSweeney to fight through that sustained pressure from a quality bowling attack and come out the other end with a chance then to go on tomorrow (Saturday), it was fantastic from them.” Starc then added, pointedly, that the pair’s performance came with “obviously a fair bit of outside noise, particularly from this (media) room”. - With AAPStock market today: Wall Street inches higher to set more records

NoneAMGEN ANNOUNCES 2025 FIRST QUARTER DIVIDENDWashington 65, Prairie View 50

— Oct. 1, 1924: James Earl Carter Jr. is born in Plains, Georgia, son of James Sr. and Lillian Gordy Carter. — June 1946: Carter graduates from the U.S. Naval Academy. — July 1946: Carter marries Rosalynn Smith, in Plains. They have four children, John William (“Jack”), born 1947; James Earl 3rd (“Chip”), 1950; Donnel Jeffrey (Jeff), 1952; and Amy Lynn, 1967. — 1946-1953: Carter serves in a Navy nuclear submarine program, attaining rank of lieutenant commander. — Summer 1953: Carter resigns from the Navy, returns to Plains after father’s death. — 1953-1971: Carter helps run the family peanut farm and warehouse business. — 1963-1966: Carter serves in the Georgia state Senate. — 1966: Carter tries unsuccessfully for the Democratic gubernatorial nomination. — November 1970: Carter is elected governor of Georgia. Serves 1971-75. — Dec. 12, 1974: Carter announces a presidential bid. Atlanta newspaper answers with headline: “Jimmy Who?” — January 1976: Carter leads the Democratic field in Iowa, a huge campaign boost that also helps to establish Iowa’s first-in-the-nation caucus. — July 1976: Carter accepts the Democratic nomination and announces Sen. Walter Mondale of Minnesota as running mate. — November 1976: Carter defeats President Gerald R. Ford, winning 51% of the vote and 297 electoral votes to Ford’s 240. — January 1977: Carter is sworn in as the 39th president of the United States. On his first full day in office, he pardons most Vietnam-era draft evaders. —September 1977: U.S. and Panama sign treaties to return the Panama Canal back to Panama in 1999. Senate narrowly ratifies them in 1978. — September 1978: Egyptian President Anwar Sadat, Israeli Prime Minister Menachem Begin and Carter sign Camp David accords, which lead to a peace deal between Egypt and Israel the following year. — June 15-18, 1979: Carter attends a summit with Soviet President Leonid Brezhnev in Vienna that leads to the signing of the SALT II treaty. — November 1979: Iranian militants storm the U.S. Embassy in Tehran, taking 52 hostages. All survive and are freed minutes after Carter leaves office in January 1981. — April 1980: The Mariel boatlift begins, sending tens of thousands of Cubans to the U.S. Many are criminals and psychiatric patients set free by Cuban leader Fidel Castro, creating a major foreign policy crisis. — April 1980: An attempt by the U.S. to free hostages fails when a helicopter crashes into a transport plane in Iran, killing eight servicemen. — Nov. 4, 1980: Carter is denied a second term by Ronald Reagan, who wins 51.6% of the popular vote to 41.7% for Carter and 6.7% to independent John Anderson. — 1982: Jimmy and Rosalynn Carter co-found The Carter Center in Atlanta, whose mission is to resolve conflicts, protect human rights and prevent disease around the world. — September 1984: The Carters spend a week building Habitat for Humanity houses, launching what becomes the annual Carter Work Project. — October 1986: A dedication is held for The Carter Presidential Center in Atlanta. The center includes the Carter Presidential Library and Museum and Carter Center offices. — 1989: Carter leads the Carter Center’s first election monitoring mission, declaring Panamanian Gen. Manuel Noriega’s election fraudulent. — May 1992: Carter meets with Mikhail and Raisa Gorbachev at the Carter Center to discuss forming the Gorbachev Foundation. — June 1994: Carter plays a key role in North Korea nuclear disarmament talks. — September 1994: Carter leads a delegation to Haiti, arranging terms to avoid a U.S. invasion and return President Jean-Bertrand Aristide to power. — December 1994: Carter negotiates tentative cease-fire in Bosnia. — March 1995: Carter mediates cease-fire in Sudan’s war with southern rebels. — September 1995: Carter travels to Africa to advance the peace process in more troubled areas. — December 1998: Carter receives U.N. Human Rights Prize on 50th anniversary of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. — August 1999: President Bill Clinton awards Jimmy and Rosalynn Carter the Presidential Medal of Freedom. — September 2001: Carter joins former Presidents Ford, Bush and Clinton at a prayer service at the National Cathedral in Washington after Sept. 11 attacks. — April 2002: Carter’s book “An Hour Before Daylight: Memories of a Rural Boyhood” chosen as finalist for Pulitzer Prize in biography. — May 2002: Carter visits Cuba and addresses the communist nation on television. He is the highest-ranking American to visit in decades. — Dec. 10, 2002: Carter is awarded the Nobel Peace Prize for his “untiring effort to find peaceful solutions to international conflicts, to advance democracy and human rights, and to promote economic and social development.” — July 2007: Carter joins The Elders, a group of international leaders brought together by Nelson Mandela to focus on global issues. — Spring 2008: Carter remains officially neutral as Sens. Barack Obama and Hillary Rodham Clinton battle each other for the Democratic presidential nomination. — April 2008: Carter stirs controversy by meeting with the Islamic militant group Hamas. — August 2010: Carter travels to North Korea as the Carter Center negotiates the release of an imprisoned American teacher. — August 2013: Carter joins President Barack Obama and former President Bill Clinton at the 50th anniversary of the Rev. Martin Luther King Jr.’s “I Have A Dream” speech and the March on Washington. — Oct. 1, 2014: Carter celebrates his 90th birthday. — December 2014: Carter is nominated for a Grammy in the best spoken word album category, for his book “A Call To Action.” — May 2015: Carter returns early from an election observation visit in Guyana — the Carter Center’s 100th — after feeling unwell. — August 2015: Carter has a small cancerous mass removed from his liver. He plans to receive treatment at Emory Healthcare in Atlanta. — August 2015: Carter announces that his grandson Jason Carter will chair the Carter Center governing board. — March 6, 2016: Carter says an experimental drug has eliminated any sign of his cancer, and that he needs no further treatment. — May 25, 2016: Carter steps back from a “front-line” role with The Elders to become an emeritus member. — July 2016: Carter is treated for dehydration during a Habitat for Humanity build in Canada. — Spring 2018: Carter publishes “Faith: A Journey for All,” the last of 32 books. — March 22, 2019: Carter becomes the longest-lived U.S. president, surpassing President George H.W. Bush, who died in 2018. — September 18, 2019: Jimmy and Rosalynn Carter deliver their final in-person annual report at the Carter Center. — October 2019: At 95, still recovering from a fall, Carter joins the Work Project with Habitat for Humanity in Nashville, Tennessee. It’s the last time he works personally on the annual project. — Fall 2019-early 2020: Democratic presidential hopefuls visit, publicly embracing Carter as a party elder, a first for his post-presidency. — November 2020:The Carter Center monitors an audit of presidential election results in the state of Georgia, marking a new era of democracy advocacy within the U.S. — Jan. 20, 2021: The Carters miss President Joe Biden’s swearing-in, the first presidential inauguration they don’t attend since Carter’s own ceremony in 1977. The Bidens later visit the Carters in Plains on April 29. — Feb. 19, 2023: Carter enters home hospice care after a series of short hospital stays. — July 7, 2023: The Carters celebrate their 77th and final wedding anniversary. — Nov. 19, 2023: Rosalynn Carter dies at home, two days after the family announced that she had joined the former president in receiving hospice care. — Oct. 1, 2024 — Carter becomes the first former U.S. president to reach 100 years of age , celebrating at home with extended family and close friends. — Oct. 16, 2024 — Carter casts a Georgia mail ballot for Democratic presidential nominee Kamala Harris, having told his family he wanted to live long enough to vote for her. It marks his 21st presidential election as a voter. — Dec. 29, 2024: Carter dies at home.A high-profile violent crime typically sets social media abuzz with tips and theories from amateur internet sleuths, hunting for the alleged perpetrator. But after UnitedHealthcare CEO Brian Thompson was gunned down in New York City this week without a primary suspect being identified, a rare occurrence happened in the thriving true-crime world: silence online from highly followed armchair detectives. “I have yet to see a single video that’s pounding the drum of ‘we have to find him,’ and that is unique,” said Michael McWhorter, better known as TizzyEnt on TikTok, where he posts true crime and viral news content for his 6.7 million followers. “And in other situations of some kind of blatant violence, I would absolutely be seeing that.” A masked gunman, who is still on the lam, fatally shot the 50-year-old executive in front of a busy New York City hotel Wednesday, police said. Shell casings found at the scene had “deny,” “defend” and “depose” written on them, according to a senior New York City law enforcement official briefed on the investigation. Thompson’s targeted killing has sparked online praise from people angry over the state of U.S. health care. Tens of thousands of people have expressed support on social media for the killing or sympathized with it. Some even appeared to celebrate it. “The surge of social media posts praising and glorifying the killing of UnitedHealth CEO Brian Thompson is deeply concerning,” Alex Goldenberg, a senior adviser at The Network Contagion Research Institute at Rutgers University previously told NBC News . (Thompson was CEO of UnitedHealthcare, not of UnitedHealth Group, its parent company.) In a statement, Thompson’s family said he was “an incredibly loving father” to two sons and “will be greatly missed.” “We are shattered to hear about the senseless killing of our beloved Brian,” the statement said. “Brian was an incredibly loving, generous, talented man who truly lived life to the fullest and touched so many lives.” Still, some of the most popular internet sleuths have sat out the investigation. “We’re pretty apathetic towards that,” Savannah Sparks, who has 1.3 million followers on her TikTok account — where she tracks down and reveals the identities of people who do racist or seemingly criminal acts in viral videos — said about helping to identify the shooter. She added that, rather than sleuthing, her community has “concepts of thoughts and prayers. It’s, you know, claim denied on my prayers there,” referring to rote and unserious condolences. Although Sparks, 34, has been tapped by law enforcement in the past to help train officers on how to find suspects online, according to emails seen by NBC News, she said this time she isn’t interested in helping police. Sparks, who also works in health care as a lactation consultant and holds a doctorate of pharmacy, didn’t mince words when asked if her community was working to find the suspect in Thompson’s murder. “Absolutely the f--- not,” she said. Another popular TikTok sleuth, thatdaneshguy, who has 2 million followers on the platform, made a video that was critical of the health care industry, saying that he wouldn’t try to identify the killer. “I don’t have to encourage violence. I don’t have to condone violence by any means. But I also don’t have to help,” he said. That attitude among some content creators comes amid amplified attention on frustrations with medical care in the U.S. in the wake of the killing. A Gallup poll released Friday found that Americans believe health care quality is at a 24-year low. Those polled said health care coverage is even worse, with 54% saying it’s fair or poor. Online sleuths have helped the FBI identify hundreds of Capitol rioters and catch previously arrested Jan. 6 defendants committing crimes that the bureau’s own review had missed, in one case even finding evidence of a Proud Boy assaulting an officer in the middle of his seditious conspiracy trial. And when Gabby Petito , 22, went missing as she documented her cross-country travels on social media with her fiancé, online sleuths jumped into action. It was later determined that Petito was killed by her fiancé Brian Laundrie, who died by suicide. At least one person who did try to help find Thompson’s killer was criticized on X, formerly known as Twitter, for doing so. In a viral post, Riley Walz, a software engineer, said he was “fairly confident” about where the shooter fled to on a bike after scouring data from the Citi Bike’s bikeshare program. He said he shared the information with the police. But a source close to Lyft, which operates Citi Bike, later said the NYPD told the company directly that the incident did not involve the bikeshare program. Walz declined to comment Friday. Since his post, some X users have called him a “snitch.” McWhorter, or TikTok’s TizzyEnt, said backlash toward those who did try to help might cause others to not want to step in. “If you’re seeing it in such a groundswell, I have to imagine that factors into some people’s decision,” he said. But mostly, McWhorter said, “there’s this weird thing, this vibe of like, I don’t see a bunch of people just feeling an urgency.” McWhorter posted his first video about the incident Friday evening. The roughly two-minute video was about “how much people don’t care.” Sukrit Venkatagiri, an assistant professor of computer science at Swarthmore College, said many people feel a lack of connection with a wealthy CEO. “They don’t really empathize with who the victim is in this scenario,” Venkatagiri said. Venkatagiri, who has studied the harms of misinformation and disinformation as well as crowd sourcing investigations, said, anecdotally, he has seen less talk of finding Thompson’s killer on spaces like the subreddit r/Reddit Bureau of Investigations, an online sleuthing page on Reddit that claims it is “using the power of the internet to solve real-world problems.” “People are less motivated, from an altruistic perspective, to help this victim in this specific case,” Venkatagiri said. Beyond a lack of online sleuthing, which can sometimes muddy law enforcement’s investigations, there has been a flurry of information released by the New York Police Department. Police released two images of a “person of interest,” including one in which he is smiling while using a fake ID to check out of a hostel on New York City’s Upper West Side, as well as several surveillance videos, including one in which the suspect shoots Thompson. Investigators believe the shooter may have traveled to New York City from Atlanta last month by bus, three senior law enforcement officials familiar with the case told NBC News. Investigators have not identified a suspect, although the investigation is ongoing, a senior law enforcement official briefed on the matter said Friday. Police have found dozens of images from surveillance cameras of the suspect from tracking his timeline in Manhattan, the official said. Police have offered a reward of up to $10,000 for information leading to an arrest and conviction. Tom Winter, Jonathan Dienst, Ken Dilanian, Ryan J. Reilly and Bruna Horvath contributed. This article first appeared on NBCNews.com . Read more from NBC News here: Judge dismisses manslaughter charge in Daniel Penny trial after jury deadlock Trump says embattled Pentagon pick Pete Hegseth is 'doing well now' in NBC News interview In 'Queer,' Daniel Craig and Drew Starkey share 'unsynchronized love' and a brutal ayahuasca trip

NEW YORK (AP) — President-elect Donald Trump’s lawyers formally asked a judge Monday to throw out his hush money criminal conviction , arguing that continuing the case would present unconstitutional “disruptions to the institution of the Presidency.“ In a filing made public Tuesday, Trump’s lawyers told Manhattan Judge Juan M. Merchan that anything short of immediate dismissal would undermine the transition of power, as well as the “overwhelming national mandate" granted to Trump by voters last month. They also cited President Joe Biden’s recent pardon of his son, Hunter Biden, who had been convicted of tax and gun charges . “President Biden asserted that his son was ‘selectively, and unfairly, prosecuted,’ and ‘treated differently,’" Trump’s legal team wrote. Manhattan District Attorney Alvin Bragg, they claimed, had engaged in the type of political theater "that President Biden condemned.” Prosecutors will have until Dec. 9 to respond. They have said they will fight any efforts to dismiss the case but have indicated a willingness to delay the sentencing until after Trump’s second term ends in 2029. In their filing Monday, Trump's attorneys dismissed the idea of holding off sentencing until Trump is out of office as a “ridiculous suggestion.” Following Trump’s election victory last month, Merchan halted proceedings and indefinitely postponed his sentencing, previously scheduled for late November, to allow the defense and prosecution to weigh in on the future of the case. He also delayed a decision on Trump’s prior bid to dismiss the case on immunity grounds. Trump has been fighting for months to reverse his conviction on 34 counts of falsifying business records to conceal a $130,000 payment to porn actor Stormy Daniels to suppress her claim that they had sex a decade earlier. He says they did not and denies any wrongdoing. The defense filing was signed by Trump lawyers Todd Blanche and Emil Bove, who represented Trump during the trial and have since been selected by the president-elect to fill senior roles at the Justice Department. Taking a swipe at Bragg and New York City, as Trump often did throughout the trial, the filing argues that dismissal would also benefit the public by giving him and “the numerous prosecutors assigned to this case a renewed opportunity to put an end to deteriorating conditions in the City and to protect its residents from violent crime.” Clearing Trump, the lawyers added, would also allow him to “to devote all of his energy to protecting the Nation.” Merchan hasn’t yet set a timetable for a decision. He could decide to uphold the verdict and proceed to sentencing, delay the case until Trump leaves office, wait until a federal appeals court rules on Trump’s parallel effort to get the case moved out of state court or choose some other option. An outright dismissal of the New York case would further lift a legal cloud that at one point carried the prospect of derailing Trump’s political future. Last week, special counsel Jack Smith told courts that he was withdrawing both federal cases against Trump — one charging him with hoarding classified documents at his Florida estate, the other with scheming to overturn the 2020 presidential election he lost — citing longstanding Justice Department policy that shields a president from indictment while in office. The hush money case was the only one of Trump’s four criminal indictments to go to trial, resulting in a historic verdict that made him the first former president to be convicted of a crime. Prosecutors had cast the payout as part of a Trump-driven effort to keep voters from hearing salacious stories about him. Trump’s then-lawyer Michael Cohen paid Daniels. Trump later reimbursed him, and Trump’s company logged the reimbursements as legal expenses — concealing what they really were, prosecutors alleged. Trump has said the payments to Cohen were properly categorized as legal expenses for legal work. A month after the verdict, the Supreme Court ruled that ex-presidents can’t be prosecuted for official acts — things they did in the course of running the country — and that prosecutors can’t cite those actions to bolster a case centered on purely personal, unofficial conduct. Trump’s lawyers cited the ruling to argue that the hush money jury got some improper evidence, such as Trump’s presidential financial disclosure form, testimony from some White House aides and social media posts made during his first term. Prosecutors disagreed and said the evidence in question was only “a sliver” of their case. If the verdict stands and the case proceeds to sentencing, Trump’s punishments would range from a fine to probation to up to four years in prison — but it’s unlikely he’d spend any time behind bars for a first-time conviction involving charges in the lowest tier of felonies. Because it is a state case, Trump would not be able to pardon himself once he returns to office.LOS ANGELES — Historically, before they find their rhythm, Eric Musselman’s teams have never quite stacked the deck. For three consecutive years, when Musselman arrived in Fayetteville, Arkansas didn’t play a single top-25 team across their nonconference slate before diving into SEC play. That changed, into 2023-24, when the Razorbacks took on powers North Carolina, Duke and Oklahoma in November and December as part of a rough-and-tumble season. But with Musselman’s return to Southern California roots this spring, and a roster carefully pieced together from transfer-portal remnants, he returned to a softer slate in the early months. That’s come in matchups and in travel, as USC hasn’t and won’t travel beyond Palm Desert for a single nonconference game this season. “When you take the two games in Palm Springs, and 20 league games, and Cal, that’s a good enough strength of schedule,” Musselman said, after USC’s early November opener against Chattanooga. The Trojans’ early-season slate, though, was as cushy a Musselman-led team has had in recent memory. And they bounced, quickly, to a 5-1 record, with four games against teams currently under .500. Then they traveled two hours east to the desert, and came away thoroughly embarrassed. USC’s 71-36 loss to Saint Mary’s on Thursday was the worst loss in program memory since Andy Enfield’s Trojans were smacked by TCU by 35 points in 2018. The underlying realities, too, were even uglier than the final score: USC shot 26% from the floor, went 0 for 12 from deep, recorded a total of six assists and were doubled in rebounding. After a subsequent loss to New Mexico on Saturday, any fuzzy feelings from Musselman’s early tenure have quickly faded, with the Trojans sitting at 5-3 entering their Big Ten debut against 12th-ranked Oregon on Wednesday night. With a roster of new faces, USC’s defensive identity still hasn’t clicked, and their offensive identity looks even more fragile. Entering conference play, here’s a breakdown of three key takeaways from the Trojans’ nonconference slate. USC’s roster was constructed on versatility, with Musselman often emphasizing that USC would turn smaller or bigger based upon game flow and style of opponent. But eight games in, it’s abundantly clear Musselman’s still tinkering, a development that suggests his program hasn’t yet found a consistent identity. Twelve Trojans have seen stints, of one form or another, in Musselman’s rotation in this early part of the season. In an 83-73 loss to New Mexico that had ballooned to a 20-point deficit with six minutes to play, USC closed with freshman Isaiah Elohim and sophomore Kevin Patton Jr., both of whom had rarely played for extended stretches. Center Josh Cohen is USC’s top scorer through eight games, but wasn’t on the floor late against Cal and New Mexico. It’s clear, at the moment, Musselman trusts USC’s wings to finish games more than relying on Cohen or another big. But precisely which wings, still, is yet to be determined. More does not mean more production. Through eight games, the Northern Colorado transfer is USC’s leader in rebounds, assists and steals, playing the kind of 6-foot-7 do-everything role Musselman saw early in his blend of ball-handling and physicality. “When we got the commitment, we felt like he was going to have to carry a load,” Musselman said in early November. But one key ingredient is missing: The fiery Thomas hasn’t been the go-to scorer he so often showed in exhibition games. He’s averaging just 8.3 points a game, shooting 37% from the floor and 25% from deep while often passing up shots in the flow of USC’s offense. These Trojans desperately need shot creators. Thomas consistently taking 10-plus shots a game and finding a rhythm would go a long way. For long stretches in USC’s first few games, Washington transfer Wesley Yates III has looked like USC’s best player and completely unaware of the concept of shot selection, a maddening conundrum that saw him score in double figures for four straight games before falling in Musselman’s rotation. “Wes has a great ability to score the ball, but he’s got a lot of things – as a lot of young players need to grow – and understand how to play with discipline on both ends of the floor,” Musselman said earlier in the year. Elohim, a Sierra Canyon product, has gotten a few looks but little consistent run to establish himself as a scorer. Patton Jr., a San Diego import, has seen some opportunity since returning from injury. Freshman Jalen Shelley looked dynamic in a preseason scrimmage, but has barely played. Musselman, thus far, has shown much more trust in his veteran transfers – keep an eye on the stock of USC’s youth quadrant.TikTok is inching closer to a potential ban in the US. What's next?

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